Forecast — 2026 German state election in Saxony-Anhalt

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AfD favourite to finish first, but a minority government led by Sven Schulze (CDU) remains the likely outcome
Le Millénaire · Model v1 · 1st September 2026 · 20,000 simulations · vote on September 6 · D-5
Chances of entering the Landtag (state parliament)
Ulrich Siegmund
AfD (Far right)
Ulrich Siegmund
> 99%
in the Landtag
39.3%
33.4 to 44.8
39
seats · 36-43
98.2%
leading
Sven Schulze
CDU (Right)
Sven Schulze
> 99%
in the Landtag
24.4%
19.1 to 30.1
24
seats · 19-31
1.8%
leading
Eva von Angern
Die Linke (Radical left)
Eva von Angern
99.9%
in the Landtag
13.2%
10.0 to 16.7
13
seats · 10-17
< 1%
leading
Armin Willingmann
SPD (Moderate left)
Armin Willingmann
98.9%
in the Landtag
7.9%
6.0 to 10.1
8
seats · 6-11
< 1%
leading
Susan Sziborra-Seidlitz
Greens (Environmentalists)
Susan Sziborra-Seidlitz
37.0%
in the Landtag
4.8%
3.7 to 6.1
0
seats · 0-6
< 1%
leading
n/a
BSW (Populist left)
Thomas Schulze
3.5%
in the Landtag
3.8%
2.9 to 4.8
0
seats · 0-0
< 1%
leading
Lydia Hüskens
FDP (Liberals)
Lydia Hüskens
2.8%
in the Landtag
2.6%
1.5 to 4.4
0
seats · 0-0
< 1%
leading
87
seats · 83 to 99
44
majority threshold
87%
no absolute majority
41
direct mandates

The vote

Estimated score by party. Solid bar: central estimate. Grey zone: 90% credible interval. Red line: the 5% threshold (Sperrklausel).
AfD
39.3%33.4 to 44.8
CDU
24.4%19.1 to 30.1
Die Linke
13.2%10.0 to 16.7
SPD
7.9%6.0 to 10.1
Greens
4.8%3.7 to 6.1
BSW
3.8%2.9 to 4.8
FDP
2.6%1.5 to 4.4

Values from the engine, block prior, lambda 0.20. Verified by an actual run and reproducible bit for bit.

The electoral rules

Germany's electoral system is mixed. Each voter has two votes, and it is the second that decides almost everything.

Two votes, two roles

Voters in Saxony-Anhalt cast two ballots on the same day. The first vote, the Erststimme (constituency vote), picks a candidate in their constituency: there are 41 of them, and each sends whoever finishes first to the Landtag, by simple plurality in a single round. The second vote, the Zweitstimme (list vote), goes to a party list at the state level.

The two votes do not carry equal weight. It is the second that sets the overall allocation: the total number of seats due to each party is calculated from it alone, proportionally. Direct mandates won on the first vote are then deducted from that total. A party that wins ten constituencies and is entitled to thirty seats overall will receive twenty from its list. This is why a model that predicted the constituencies well but the second vote poorly would get the essential part wrong.

The 5% threshold

A party that falls short of 5% of the list vote gets no list seat, whatever its score. Its votes do not simply vanish: they drop out of the calculation, and the allocation runs among the qualifying parties only, which mechanically inflates each of their shares. This is why the story of this election is not the winner but the 5% bar, and why a party polling at 4.8% shifts dozens of seats depending on whether it clears that bar or not.

Saxony-Anhalt has no direct-mandate override clause. In Berlin, by contrast, winning just one direct mandate waives the threshold and opens access to the proportional allocation: the same national rule has variants from one Land to another.

Why parliament has no fixed size

The Landtag has a base size of 83 seats. It almost always ends up with more, and that is the least intuitive part of the system.

When a party wins more constituencies than its proportional entitlement allows, it keeps the surplus: these are the overhang seats (Überhangmandate). To restore the balance, the law then allocates the other parties levelling seats (Ausgleichsmandate), until overall proportionality is restored. Parliament therefore grows as a party dominates the constituencies without dominating the list vote.

This is exactly the situation forecast here: AfD is projected to win in 39 of the 41 constituencies with 39% of the list vote. The Landtag grows from 83 seats to a median of 87, and up to 99 in one case out of twenty. The absolute-majority threshold rises with it, from 42 to 44 seats. The allocation follows the Hare-Niemeyer method, also known as the largest-remainder method.

Electing the state premier

The Landtag then elects the head of government. Article 65 of the state constitution provides for two rounds requiring an absolute majority of members, then, if no candidate reaches it, a fourteen-day window during which the assembly can vote to dissolve itself. If it does not, a third round is held in which a majority of votes actually cast is enough: abstentions are removed from the count.

This rule is decisive in a parliament without a majority. It allows a state premier (Ministerpräsident) to be elected whom part of the assembly refuses to support, provided that part abstains rather than votes against. The two other Länder voting on September 20 each have their own variant: Mecklenburg-Vorpommern holds unlimited rounds over four weeks before reaching this point, while Berlin attaches no dissolution procedure to failure.

Seat projection

Direct mandates won in the 41 constituencies, and seats won through the list vote. Solid shade: direct. Pale shade: list.
DirectListTotal90%
AfD
38.60.63936-43
CDU
1.323.32419-31
Die Linke
0.912.41310-17
SPD
0.07.986-11
Greens
0.11.900-6
BSW
0.00.200-0
FDP
0.00.200-0

AfD wins 39 of the 41 direct mandates but less than one list seat. This is the overhang-seat mechanism: with 39.3% of the vote it would be entitled to about 34 seats in an 87-seat Landtag, yet it wins 39 directly. AfD keeps these five extra seats, and the law compensates the other parties with levelling seats to restore proportionality, which inflates the Landtag from a base of 83 seats to a median of 87, and up to 99 in one case out of twenty. CDU, by contrast, draws 23 of its 24 seats from the list vote, and Die Linke 12 of its 13.

The Greens win seats only in the 37% of draws where they clear 5%: five seats when they enter, zero otherwise. Direct and List columns are averaged over 20,000 draws, Total is the median.

Who can govern

Across 20,000 simulations. Average majority threshold: 44.3 seats. AfD finishes strictly first in 97.9% of draws.
No absolute majority, minority governmentthe most likely outcome87.1%

In nine draws out of ten, no combination is both majority and politically workable. That is not a deadlock: it is a minority government, dependent on shifting majorities in the Landtag.

Two neighbouring states already work this way. Michael Kretschmer (CDU) governs Saxony with a minority government whose coalition occasionally assembles majorities with Die Linke's votes. In Thuringia, Mario Voigt's coalition likewise has no majority of its own in the state parliament. Asked about Saxony-Anhalt on ZDF's Morgenmagazin on September 1st, Kretschmer repeated that a government with Die Linke was, for him, out of the question, the underlying differences being too great. His own practice nonetheless shows the distinction: excluding Die Linke from government does not prevent assembling majorities with its votes in parliament. As in Saxony, Sven Schulze may well cooperate with Die Linke to secure majorities on specific measures. Part of Saxony-Anhalt's CDU, however, might prefer shifting majorities that include AfD, which would push Die Linke away.

AfD absolute majority alone2,077 draws, 39.3 seats out of 44.3 required10.4%

Why 39% of the vote is not a majority. Seats are allocated only among parties that clear 5%. The votes of the others, and those in the residual seat, are excluded from the calculation. What matters for AfD is therefore not its statewide score, but its share among the votes that count.

Today, AfD stands at 39.3% and the combined qualifying parties at about 88.6%. Its useful share is therefore 44.3%, and it needs to pass 50% of that total to win a majority of seats. It is roughly five points short.

Parties in the Landtag Proportional threshold Actual threshold Gap to central estimate
Four: AfD, CDU, Linke, SPD42.8%50.0%+10.7 pts
Five, with the Greens45.3%47.5%+8.3 pts
Five, with the BSW44.8%49.2%+9.9 pts
Six, Greens and BSW47.1%45.2%+5.9 pts

The “proportional” column: the score AfD would need if seats were allocated by strict proportionality among qualifying parties only. The “actual” column: the score measured by the engine, direct mandates and compensation included. The gap between the two, up to seven points in a four-party Landtag, is the cost of compensation: the more overhang seats AfD accumulates, the more the law inflates parliament in favour of the others, and the further the bar moves. Caveat: the six-party row assumes the Greens at 4.98%, i.e. below the very threshold it presupposes; L4 itself flags this as inconsistent, and it is shown for reference only.

Two effects move this threshold in opposite directions. The more parties fall short, the more votes are excluded, so the higher AfD's useful share climbs at an equal score: a four-party Landtag is arithmetically more favourable to it than a six-party one. But it also wins 39 of the 41 direct mandates, far beyond its proportional entitlement. It keeps these overhang seats, the law compensates the other parties to restore proportionality, and parliament inflates: from a base of 83 seats to a median of 87, up to 99 in one case out of twenty. The majority threshold rises with it, from 42 to 44 seats on average.

It is this double mechanism that explains why a party with close to 40% of the vote, finishing first in 98% of simulations and sweeping almost every constituency, wins an absolute majority only once in ten.

AfD + BSW207 draws1.0%

Bounded by the probability that BSW enters the Landtag, 3.5%. No seats, no coalition.

CDU + SPD115 draws, 32.5 seats0.6%
CDU + SPD + Greens102 draws, 34.6 seats0.5%

Requires two simultaneous conditions: that the Greens clear 5%, which happens in 37% of draws, and that the three parties hold a majority, which almost never happens.

Who forms the government is not a model output. AfD finishes strictly first in 97.9% of draws, but no workable combination includes it besides itself and AfD + BSW. The formateur criterion therefore does not discriminate, and the selection rule falls back on size and surplus among the CDU, SPD, Linke and Greens combinations. Naming CDU as the formateur of a minority government is a political reading, as in Thuringia, not an output of the calculation.

Without a majority, what third-round scenarios are possible

This is the model's most likely scenario: in 87% of draws, no majority, workable coalition exists. The question then becomes one of investiture. Article 65(2) of the state constitution provides that, in a third round, a majority of the votes actually cast is enough to elect the state premier: abstentions are removed from the count.

The bars show the vote itself in an 87-seat Landtag, the model's median size: AfD 39, CDU 27, Die Linke 13, SPD 8. Green, votes in favour. Red, votes against. Grey, abstentions. The blue line marks the majority of votes cast. Scenarios are ranked from most to least plausible, without an associated figure: the outcome depends on voting behaviour the model does not measure.
1. Sven Schulze (CDU) elected with Die Linke's votesDie Linke votes in favour without entering government
48
39
for 48: CDU, SPD, Die Linke · against 39: AfD · elected

This is the most open and best-documented scenario.

Why Die Linke would vote in favour without joining government. Three reasons combine. First, the firewall: it has taken this path in other Länder to keep AfD from the premiership, and said on 13 August in the MDR Wahlarena that it was ready to defend democracy alongside CDU. Second, the constraint: Schulze has ruled out Linke ministers, not a parliamentary agreement, so entering government is closed to it regardless. Third, its own interest: with 13 seats in a state it nearly left in 2023, it has more to gain by remaining the left-wing opposition than by co-signing a CDU government's austerity. Voting for investiture without joining the cabinet lets it block AfD without owning the record.

2. Ulrich Siegmund (AfD) electedAfD minority government, via three distinct paths
39
21
27
for 39: AfD · against 21: SPD, Die Linke · abstain 27: CDU · elected
39
35
13
for 39: AfD · against 35: CDU, SPD · abstain 13: Die Linke · elected
39
29
19
for 39: AfD · against 29: CDU, SPD · abstain 19: Die Linke, BSW · elected

Arithmetically open in almost every configuration, and this is the model's most counter-intuitive point. SPD, Die Linke, the Greens and FDP have all ruled out AfD in a sourced statement, but their combined votes are not enough to block it as soon as one significant group sits out the vote.

CDU abstains. Votes cast fall to 60, AfD has 39, it passes comfortably. This is the most direct path, and the one CDU has committed not to take.

Die Linke abstains. This is the path nobody sees coming. If Die Linke sits out the vote and CDU votes against, the votes cast are AfD at 39 versus CDU + SPD at 35: AfD wins. A Die Linke abstention meant to withhold support from CDU therefore mechanically installs AfD. This is the exact mirror of scenario 1, and it is what makes its choice decisive.

BSW enters the Landtag and sits out the vote. This case is marginal, as BSW enters in only a small minority of draws, but it is the least documented pivot: its only statement rules out electing Sven Schulze, and says nothing about an AfD candidate. If it abstains alongside Die Linke, it removes six more votes from the count and the gap widens further.

3. Sven Schulze (CDU) elected by a majority anti-AfD coalitionwithout going to a third round
48
39
for 48: CDU, SPD, Die Linke · against 39: AfD · elected

The only case where investiture is not decided in a third round, because an absolute majority exists. Only two combinations.

CDU + SPD + Die Linke is arithmetically a majority in the large majority of draws, with 48 seats against 44 required. But it presupposes Die Linke's participation in government, which Schulze has explicitly ruled out by refusing any Linke minister. It is thus arithmetically comfortable and politically closed, which is exactly why scenario 1 exists: the same arithmetic, without the ministers.

CDU + SPD + Greens almost never reaches a majority, and further requires the Greens to clear 5%, which happens only in one draw out of three. This was the natural continuation coalition: it is out of reach.

The other combinations are marginal. CDU alone, without SPD, being elected depends entirely on the smaller parties' behaviour and only matters if SPD refuses to govern. AfD + BSW as a majority coalition remains anecdotal, bounded by the probability that BSW enters the Landtag.

Why no figure is shown here. Each scenario is arithmetically achievable under a different voting assumption, and these assumptions are not comparable with one another. Placing a percentage next to each would suggest a ranking that does not exist. What decides is political behaviour, and that cannot be modelled. The ranking above is a judgment of plausibility.

The overall reading fits in one sentence. Everything depends on Die Linke. If it votes in favour, Schulze is elected. If it abstains, it is Siegmund. A party with 13 seats decides who leads a state where AfD has 39.

Constituency-by-constituency projection

The 41 constituencies of Saxony-Anhalt. Three views: the actual 2021 result, the 2026 projection, and the model's certainty.
2021actual
2026projection
Uncertaintyfavourite's probability
Constituency 01, AfD favourite at 94.5%Constituency 02, AfD favourite at 97.7%Constituency 03, AfD favourite at 99.7%Constituency 04, AfD favourite at 99.6%Constituency 05, AfD favourite at 99.8%Constituency 06, AfD favourite at 97.5%Constituency 07, AfD favourite at 99.2%Constituency 08, AfD favourite at 96.5%Constituency 09, AfD favourite at 99.6%Constituency 10, AfD favourite at 99.4%Constituency 11, AfD favourite at 70.2%Constituency 12, AfD favourite at 96.1%Constituency 13, AfD favourite at 97.2%Constituency 14, AfD favourite at 97.1%Constituency 15, AfD favourite at 98.7%Constituency 16, AfD favourite at 96.7%Constituency 17, AfD favourite at 99.1%Constituency 18, AfD favourite at 99.4%Constituency 19, AfD favourite at 99.8%Constituency 20, AfD favourite at 99.3%Constituency 21, AfD favourite at 99.6%Constituency 22, AfD favourite at 99.4%Constituency 23, AfD favourite at 99.2%Constituency 24, CDU favourite at 56.9%Constituency 25, AfD favourite at 99.3%Constituency 26, AfD favourite at 96.6%Constituency 27, AfD favourite at 99.1%Constituency 28, AfD favourite at 99.7%Constituency 29, AfD favourite at 99.5%Constituency 30, AfD favourite at 99.8%Constituency 31, AfD favourite at 99.7%Constituency 32, AfD favourite at 99.7%Constituency 33, AfD favourite at 99.5%Constituency 34, AfD favourite at 99.6%Constituency 35, AfD favourite at 99.7%Constituency 36, AfD favourite at 90.4%Constituency 37, LINKE favourite at 73.3%Constituency 38, AfD favourite at 97.8%Constituency 39, AfD favourite at 99.7%Constituency 40, AfD favourite at 98.3%Constituency 41, AfD favourite at 99.9%
CDU
AfD
SPD
LINKE
GREENS
FW
Uncertainty view: shade follows the favourite's probability. Solid at 100%, near-white around 50%. Only three constituencies are below 90%: 11, 24 and 37.
No.2021%Runner-upGap2026Prob.
01CDU36.4AfD 17.718.7AfD94.5%
02CDU36.3AfD 19.816.5AfD97.7%
03CDU26.7FW 25.01.6AfD99.7%
04CDU29.7AfD 22.37.4AfD99.6%
05CDU31.3AfD 26.64.6AfD99.8%
06CDU38.5AfD 20.617.9AfD97.5%
07CDU37.0AfD 23.613.4AfD99.2%
08CDU40.4AfD 20.619.8AfD96.5%
09CDU32.8AfD 24.58.2AfD99.6%
10CDU29.2AfD 19.99.3AfD99.4%
11CDU28.1GREENS 15.912.2AfD70.2%
12CDU32.6AfD 16.516.2AfD96.1%
13CDU33.2AfD 17.515.7AfD97.2%
14CDU30.4LINKE 22.38.1AfD97.1%
15CDU33.6AfD 20.213.4AfD98.7%
16CDU30.4SPD 24.46.0AfD96.7%
17CDU33.5AfD 20.912.6AfD99.1%
18CDU33.8AfD 22.711.1AfD99.4%
19CDU32.7AfD 28.74.0AfD99.8%
20CDU34.5AfD 22.612.0AfD99.3%
21CDU34.7AfD 24.89.9AfD99.6%
22CDU37.4AfD 25.112.3AfD99.4%
23CDU36.5AfD 23.113.4AfD99.2%
24CDU53.9AfD 18.235.7CDU56.9%
25CDU39.2AfD 25.713.5AfD99.3%
26CDU37.1AfD 19.118.0AfD96.6%
27CDU35.6AfD 22.313.3AfD99.1%
28CDU35.3AfD 26.78.6AfD99.7%
29CDU35.2AfD 24.610.6AfD99.5%
30CDU32.3AfD 28.63.7AfD99.8%
31CDU35.0AfD 26.98.1AfD99.7%
32CDU34.9AfD 28.56.4AfD99.7%
33CDU41.2AfD 28.912.3AfD99.5%
34CDU34.7AfD 24.710.0AfD99.6%
35CDU31.4AfD 24.27.2AfD99.7%
36CDU27.0SPD 15.811.2AfD90.4%
37CDU23.0GREENS 21.21.8LINKE73.3%
38CDU38.5AfD 21.117.4AfD97.8%
39CDU27.7AfD 24.92.8AfD99.7%
40CDU42.1AfD 24.018.1AfD98.3%
41AfD27.1CDU 26.11.0AfD99.9%

In 2021 CDU won 40 of the 41 constituencies, AfD just one, the 41st, with 27.1% against 26.1%. The model now makes AfD the favourite in 39 of the 41 constituencies: only 24, a CDU stronghold at 56.9%, and 37, the only constituency where Die Linke moves ahead, at 73.3%, are left outside that column. Only three constituencies have a favourite below 90% probability: 11, 24 and 37.

Methodological caveat: the boundaries used are those of 2021; an amendment to the Wahlgesetz (electoral law) of 7 February 2025 could not be verified.

Since the 2021 election

Moving average of published polls, from the day after the 2021 election to the one on 6 September 2026. Diamonds on the left: the 2021 result.
0%10%20%30%40%5% thresholdJulOctJan 22AprJulOctJan 23AprJulOctJan 24AprJulOctJan 25AprJulOctJan 26AprJul2021 electionSep 6AfD 41.3CDU 23.4Die Linke 12.8SPD 6.8Greens 4.7BSW 4.2FDP 3.2

AfD starts at 20.8% in the 2021 election and reaches 41.3%: it doubles. CDU makes the opposite journey, from 37.1% to 23.4%, and the two curves cross in spring 2025. Die Linke, written off in 2023 under 6%, climbs back to 12.8%. BSW appears in 2024, peaks at 15% in the autumn, then falls back below the threshold.

The election year

Each point is a poll published since January 2026. The curve is the moving average, weighted by recency.
0%10%20%30%40%5% thresholdJan 26FebMarAprMayJunJulAugSepSep 62026-08-27 CDU 23.0%2026-08-27 AfD 40.0%2026-08-27 SPD 9.0%2026-08-27 Die Linke 13.0%2026-08-27 Greens 6.0%2026-08-27 FDP 3.0%2026-08-27 BSW 3.0%2026-08-25 CDU 22.0%2026-08-25 AfD 42.0%2026-08-25 SPD 8.0%2026-08-25 Die Linke 11.0%2026-08-25 Greens 6.0%2026-08-25 FDP 3.0%2026-08-25 BSW 4.0%2026-08-08 CDU 23.0%2026-08-08 AfD 43.0%2026-08-08 SPD 7.0%2026-08-08 Die Linke 13.0%2026-08-08 Greens 5.0%2026-08-08 FDP 2.0%2026-08-08 BSW 4.0%2026-08-06 CDU 22.0%2026-08-06 AfD 42.0%2026-08-06 SPD 6.0%2026-08-06 Die Linke 13.0%2026-08-06 Greens 4.0%2026-08-06 FDP 4.0%2026-08-06 BSW 5.0%2026-07-28 CDU 24.0%2026-07-28 AfD 41.0%2026-07-28 SPD 7.0%2026-07-28 Die Linke 13.0%2026-07-28 Greens 5.0%2026-07-28 BSW 4.0%2026-07-21 CDU 24.0%2026-07-21 AfD 41.0%2026-07-21 SPD 5.0%2026-07-21 Die Linke 14.0%2026-07-21 Greens 4.0%2026-07-21 FDP 4.0%2026-07-21 BSW 4.0%2026-06-30 CDU 23.0%2026-06-30 AfD 41.0%2026-06-30 SPD 6.0%2026-06-30 Die Linke 13.0%2026-06-30 Greens 4.0%2026-06-30 FDP 4.0%2026-06-30 BSW 5.0%2026-05-12 CDU 24.0%2026-05-12 AfD 42.0%2026-05-12 SPD 6.0%2026-05-12 Die Linke 13.0%2026-05-12 Greens 4.0%2026-05-12 FDP 3.0%2026-05-12 BSW 4.0%2026-05-05 CDU 26.0%2026-05-05 AfD 41.0%2026-05-05 SPD 7.0%2026-05-05 Die Linke 12.0%2026-05-05 Greens 4.0%2026-05-05 BSW 4.0%2026-03-24 CDU 25.0%2026-03-24 AfD 38.0%2026-03-24 SPD 6.0%2026-03-24 Die Linke 13.0%2026-03-24 Greens 4.0%2026-03-24 FDP 3.0%2026-03-24 BSW 5.0%2026-01-27 CDU 26.0%2026-01-27 AfD 39.0%2026-01-27 SPD 8.0%2026-01-27 Die Linke 11.0%2026-01-27 Greens 3.0%2026-01-27 FDP 2.0%2026-01-27 BSW 6.0%AfD 41.5CDU 23.0Die Linke 12.8SPD 7.0Greens 5.0BSW 4.1FDP 3.2

The smoothing is a Gaussian kernel applied directly to the published polls, without going through the engine's aggregate: this is what gives a continuous curve where the aggregate broke off. 154 observations from 23 waves, from February 2022 to August 2026.

Not to be confused with the election table. This curve carries neither the pollster bias correction, nor the block prior, nor the weighting by sample size and reliability. It describes what the institutes publish; the table describes what the model concludes from it. The gap shows up on BSW, 4.2% in raw average against 3.8% central estimate. The Wahlkreisprognose wave of 27 August is removed: it republishes the same day's figures from Forschungsgruppe Wahlen.

Probabilities over time

Probability of clearing 5%, by party, since January 2026. Red line: a fifty-fifty chance.
0%25%50%75%100%a fifty-fifty chanceJanFebMarAprMayJunJulAugSepSep 6Die Linke 100CDU 100AfD 100SPD 99Greens 43FDP 4BSW 3

As of 1st September: Die Linke 100% · CDU 100% · AfD 100% · SPD 99% · Greens 43% · FDP 4% · BSW 3%

How it is built. At each date, the aggregate of polls available that day is corrected for the measured bias, then the block prior is applied at a weight of 20%, exactly as in the published model. Each party's volatility is the one that reproduces the verified run of 1st September. This is therefore not a Monte Carlo replay at each date, but the same calculation chain solved analytically.

The check passes: as of 1st September the curve gives BSW at 3% and the Greens at 43%, against 3.5% and 37% for the full model. The residual gap comes from the absence of simulation, which smooths the tails of the distribution. A full replay of the twenty thousand draws at each date would tighten these values without changing the shape of the curves.

Who is in the lead

Probability of being the Landtag's leading party, since February 2022. Red line: a fifty-fifty chance.
0%25%50%75%100%Apr 22Jul 22Oct 22Jan 23Apr 23Jul 23Oct 23Jan 24Apr 24Jul 24Oct 24Jan 25Apr 25Jul 25Oct 25Jan 26Apr 26Jul 26Sep 6crossover, March 2025AfD 100CDU 0

The two curves cross on 8 March 2025. Before that date, CDU was seen as the near-certain winner; after it, AfD was, and the gap has only widened since. As of 1st September it leads in more than 99% of cases. This is the one question about the election that no longer arises.

Probability derived from the spread of published polls around the moving average, not from a replay of the full model.

The 2021 election

List vote of 6 June 2021. 97-seat Landtag. Outgoing CDU-SPD-FDP coalition.
CDU
37.1%
AfD
20.8%
Die Linke
11.0%
SPD
8.4%
FDP
6.4%
Greens
5.9%
Others
10.4%

How it works

A predictive model is not just another poll. A poll surveys a sample and describes opinion at a given moment. A model surveys no one. It gathers what is measurable, published surveys and past election results, and derives from them a distribution of possible outcomes, with their probability.

The question is not who comes first

AfD is projected first in 98% of simulations, and wins on average 38.65 of the 41 direct mandates. That is not the story. The story is the 5% threshold: a party that clears it enters the Landtag, a party that misses it gets no seats at all. The Greens are projected at 4.8% and enter in 37% of simulations. This single uncertainty shifts five seats and decides the third majority scenario.

And no one has a majority

In 87% of draws, no coalition is both majority and politically workable. Article 65(2) of the state constitution allows a state premier to be elected by a majority of votes cast in a third round. The most likely alternative is an AfD absolute majority alone, once in ten.

The prior, and why it works

The model does not rely on polls alone. It anchors them in the vote actually cast: the previous state election, the 2024 European election, the 2025 federal election. This prior offsets the polls that got it wrong at the last Saxony-Anhalt state election, where AfD was shown neck and neck with CDU, a race CDU ultimately won.

Our model uses a calculation method based on past results that precisely refines the winner of the election, along with the constituency-level results, to estimate: the seats won in the single-round, single-member constituency vote and the number of seats won through the list vote.

Twenty thousand simulations

A single forecast would give a false sense of certainty. The model therefore replays the election twenty thousand times, varying what is genuinely uncertain: each institute's own error, each party's volatility, and the correlation between them. It then converts each draw into seats under Saxony-Anhalt's electoral law, the Hare-Niemeyer method, with overhang and levelling seats. The Landtag therefore has no fixed size: 87 seats at the median, from 83 to 99 in nine cases out of ten, and the majority threshold is recalculated for every draw.

All parameters are public, including those we set by judgment. No probability is shown at 0% or 100%: uncertainty is this model's product, never its flaw.

Sources

Voting intentions: institutes polling on Saxony-Anhalt, aggregated and corrected for bias measured on past elections. Election results: Landeswahlleiter (state returning officer) of Saxony-Anhalt and the Bundeswahlleiterin (federal returning officer), open data under the dl-de/by-2-0 licence. Coalition exclusions: sourced and dated public statements, register available on request. The engine has a reproducible seed, two runs give the same result bit for bit, and it exactly reproduces the 97 seats allocated in 2021. Its 90% interval coverage is measured at 93% across six past elections.

Credits

All rights belong to Le Millénaire SAS, registered at 47 rue de Vivienne, 75002 Paris.

Model designed by
Project director: William Thay
Deputy project director: Pierre Clairé
Political and data analysis: Matthieu Hocque
Data analysis, mathematics and validation: Florian Gérard-Mercier